Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet: Discourse on Universal History. Elborg Forster translation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976.
Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux, published his book in 1682. Louis XIV was king; Bossuet had tutored his eldest son, Louis’ presumptive heir, who predeceased his father and whose own son eventually reigned as Louis XV. Bossuet dedicated the book to the Dauphin, continuing the long tradition of courtesy books and mirrors for princes dating back to Xenophon’s Cyropaedia, a tradition revived and adapted to Christian teachings in the thirteenth century by several English, French, and German writers. The Renaissance saw two of the most eminent contributions to the genre, one by Castiglione and another (with a very different twist) by Machiavelli. The Bourbons had founded the modern state in France, inclining to deploy the Catholic Church as a civil religion; at the time of the Discourse‘s publication, Louis was quarreling with Pope Innocent XI over the extension of the droit de régale, whereby the king could claim revenues from vacant dioceses and abbeys. The most prominent French clergymen, beginning with Cardinal Richelieu, who had served as Foreign Secretary under Louis’ father, were suspected of some degree of Machiavellianism, and Machiavelli’s philosophic inheritors, Descartes and Spinoza, were widely read. Bossuet opposes them, reminding the king and especially his son that the divine right of kings can scarcely sustain itself without belief in divinity. As Elborg asks in his helpful introduction, “Is it significant that, regardless of edition, Bossuet’s history of Jesus comes almost exactly in the middle of the book?” Quite possibly so.
In his dedication to the Dauphin, Bossuet states his intention: “to explain the history of religion and the changes of empires.” While religion is unitary and perpetual, thanks to God’s continuous direction, empires are plural and changeable, human-all-too-human. Moreover, “even if history is useless to other men, princes should be made to read it,” as it shows them the effects of passion and interest, time and circumstance, good advice and bad advice. “If they need experience to acquire the prudence of a good ruler, nothing is more useful for their instruction than to add the examples of past centuries to the experiences they have every day,” at no risk to themselves or to their people. This should have a salubrious moral effect. “Seeing even the most hidden vices of princes exposed to everyone’s sight, despite the spurious praise they receive during their life, they will be ashamed of the vain pleasure they take in flattery and will understand that true glory comes only with merit.”
History’s effect of moral and straitening complements its intellectual effect, the ability to make distinctions. “He who has not learned from history to distinguish different ages will represent men under the law of Nature or under written law as they are under the law of the Gospel.” Spinoza attempts precisely to bring men to accept a new form of the law of nature; the ability to distinguish pagan natural law from the law of the Gospel, and both from the law of Moses, will guard the prince against such beguilement. Central to Bossuet’s list of distinctions is the one between the time of liberty under Themistocles and the time of Macedonian rule under Philip. Is it significant that Bossuet places a lesson on liberty in this place, even as he places he places the distinction of France during its civil wars and France “united under that great king,” Louis XIV, in which “France alone triumphs over all of Europe,” last on the list? Does he suggest that liberty leads to factional strife, empire to peace? Or is he, on the contrary, thinking of Catholic Christian liberty, threatened by the imperial monarch?
However this may be, religion and empire are “the two points around which human affairs revolve.” “To discover their order and sequence is to understand in one’s mind all that is great in mankind and, as it were, to hold a guiding line to all the affairs of the world”—no small thing for any prince to discover. History identifies “epochs” in the course of events, stops or resting places, great events “to which we an relate all the rest.” Of these twelve epochs, the sixth is Solomon’s founding of the Temple in Jerusalem, the seventh Romulus’ founding of Rome; that is, in keeping with the two points of human affairs, there is no one central epoch but a pair. A third and truly crucial turning point in terms of empire is Charlemagne’s founding of the new, Christian empire, ending ancient history. It is noteworthy that Bossuet so often marks the beginning of new epochs in the course of events with a founding, beginning with God’s founding of the human race.
Bossuet titles the first epoch “Adam, or the Creation.” It lasted from the Creation in 4004 BC to the Flood in 2348 BC. As related by Moses, author of the Pentateuch and therefore “the first historian, the most sublime philosopher”—pace Spinoza—and “the wisest of legislators,” in Adam God fashioned “all men within one man,” as even his wife “was fashioned from him.” The formation of Eve out of Adam indicates God’s intention to establish “harmony in marriage and human society.” After the expulsion from Eden, God’s providential care nonetheless continued, as he taught men the arts indispensable to their survival: agriculture, animal husbandry, weaving, and “perhaps that of finding shelter. For his part, beginning the second epoch, Noah preserved those arts after having preserved mankind itself by the art of carpentry. The Epoch of Noah, or the Flood, lasted 426 years until 1921 BC. It saw the first three founders of nations: Japheth, who established the peoples of the East, Ham, who established the peoples of the South, and Shem, ancestor of the Hebrews. Acting in contradiction to these builders, Nimrod’s “violent nature,” consonant with the way of hunting, made him into the first conqueror, beginning his destructive work at Babylon, the symbol of human pride. In both their constructive and destructive efforts, peoples “were going their separate ways, forgetful of their Creator.” Human learning also began to flourish, as the Chaldeans invented astronomy, which they gave to Callisthenes in Babylon, then by him to Aristotle.
God’s calling of Abraham, “the beginning of God’s people and the Covenant,” began in 1921 BC and lasted until 1491 BC. God chose Abraham “as the stem and father of all believers,” and Bossuet cleverly adds “It was Jesus Christ whom Abraham honored in the person of the high priest Melchizedek, who represented him”—an elegant way of inserting the authority of the Christian clergy into an Old Testament story. Under this interpretation, the Catholic Church goes back a long way, indeed. And, like Christians in many times and in many places, “the Hebrews were unjustly hated and persecuted without mercy,” enslaved in Egypt. There, the great prophet, Moses, learned “all the wisdom of the Egyptians,” having been “brought up by Pharaoh’s daughter.”
During this epoch, Cecrops founded twelve Egyptian colonies in Greece, colonies which eventually became the Kingdom of Athens. The Deucalion flood, “which the Greeks take to be the universal flood,” wiped it out. Deucalion’s son, Hellen, escaped, reigning in the Thessalian city of Pythia; hence the term “Hellenes.” In Thebes, a non-Egyptian set of Gods were introduced by Cadmus, the gods of Syria and Phoenicia. Thus, Greece became polytheistic and (to deploy an anachronism) multicultural, even as the Israelites were monotheists who integrated and subordinated foreign wisdom under divine law.
The exodus from Egypt and the establishment of that written law by Moses inaugurated the fourth epoch, which lasted from 1491 BC to 1184 BC. Previous to the receipt of God’s law, natural law, consisting of reason and ancestral tradition, guided human conduct. But God’s tabernacle among the Israelites now became the “symbol of the future” of humanity. Jewish history during this epoch consists of events, often violent, by which God “slowly mold[ed]” His people, an education and habituation recounted in Moses’ Pentateuch, in which he recorded these “foundations of our religion.” Elsewhere, Pelops ruled what is now called the Peloponnesus, beginning in 1322; the first Assyrian empire was founded in 1267. Hercules and Theseus came “later,” Theseus founding the city of Athens.
The fall of Troy occurred in 1184 BC, inaugurating the fifth epoch, which concluded with the completion of Solomon’s Temple in 1004. In the Gentile world, this epoch comes down to us in the form of legends and heroes. In sacred history, Samson, Eli, Samuel, and Saul ruled Israel, followed by David, the “pious warrior.” Athenians “abolished kingship and declared Zeus the only king of the people of Athens,” as the archons or rulers were made accountable to the people of the city. In Greece, then, monotheism was associated with popular rule, not monarchy, whereas in Israel monotheism issued led to a popular call for monarchy.
The first of the two central epochs began slightly more than a millennium before the birth of Jesus. With perhaps a glance at the French monarchy of his own time, Bossuet relates that Solomon’s reign “ended in shameful weakness,” as “he indulged in the love of women; his spirit grew base, his courage weakened, and his piety degenerated into idolatry.” This brought down God’s judgment, with the kingdom divided after Solomon’s death. Around 890 BC, Dido enlarged and fortified Carthage, a “warlike and commercial republic” with “aspirations for domination of the sea.” If Solomonic Israel parallels seventeenth-century France, ancient Carthage parallels seventeenth-century England.
“In these times Homer flourished, and Hesiod flourished thirty years before him. The venerable old ways they depict for us and the vestiges of ancient simplicity they preserve with such nobility are most useful in making us understand much more remote times and the divine simplicity of the Scriptures.” For Bossuet’s modernity, French and English, the sixth epoch holds up the contrast between the decadence of rulers and purity of ancient poetry and the way of life it shows us, to some extent neatly harmonizing those pagan practices with the God-given way seen in the Bible.
The reestablishment of the Olympiads, founded by Hercules but long discontinued, in 776 BC “marks the end of what Varro calls the legendary times—since up to that date secular histories were full of confusion and legend—and the beginning of historical times—in which world events in more faithful and precise reports,” thanks to the exact chronology those annual events made possible. Generally, in this chapter Bossuet impresses upon his reader the increasingly unruly character of the Hebrew nation, ruled by kings, and the corresponding improvement and democratization of the Greeks—especially of the Athenians.
Romulus’ founding of Rome in 754 BC began the seventh epoch, the second of the epochs Bossuet makes central to his book. Rome “was to become the mistress of the world and the seat of religion,” a city dedicated by its founder to the god of war, “whom he called his father.” Bossuet makes no mention of Romulus’ murder of Remus, which would parallel Cain’s murder of Abel and recall Bossuet’s strictures against violence. If France under the Bourbons has become the modern Rome, Bossuet wants no suggestion of crime at the founding of its ruling dynasty. And even in his version of Rome, after Romulus the lawgiver Numa “gave form to religion and softened the barbarous manners of the Roman people.” Gradually, Romans learned to restrain their warlike character without losing it. In the 670s, “as its conquests extended further, Rome established the rules for its militia; and it was under Tullus Hostilius that it began to learn that magnificent discipline which was to make it mistress of the world” and, not incidentally, to “make citizens of its enemies” after mastering them in battle.
Away from the proto-French Romans, several potential rival empires emerged during this epoch. Weakened by the misrule of an “effeminate prince,” Sardanapalus, the first Assyrian empire fell to the “warlike Medes.” After this event, the Medean empire, the second Assyrian empire, and the Babylonian empire rose and fell in succession. By 600 BC, “Babylon was threatening to enslave the world” and Solomon’s temple was burned. In 562, Nebuchadnezzar died in Babylon, not after foreseeing “the coming ruin of his superb city” while on his deathbed. Indeed, Cyrus the Great of Persia would conquer Babylon not long afterwards. By joining the Kingdom of Persia with that of the Medes, Cyrus “became the uncontested master of the East and founded the greatest empire the world had ever seen.” Under his rule, he ordered the “restoration of God’s Temple in Jerusalem and of the Jewish people in Judaea.”
Bossuet draws his account of Cyrus from the Bible and from Xenophon’s Cyropaedia. Among the several Gentile historians, he regards “the wise philosopher and skillful captain,” who served in Persia, as the most reliable. “What determines me in my choice is the fact that Xenophon’s history, more coherent and more probable in itself, has the added advantage of being more consistent with the Scriptures, which, because of their antiquity and the relations of the affairs of the Jewish people with others in the East, would merit being preferred to all Greek histories, if we did not know that they were dictated by the Holy Spirit.” As for Greek historians generally, he judges them to have been “more eloquent in their narrations than painstaking in their research.”
The years between 536 BC—the year the Jewish people returned to Jerusalem—and Rome’s conquest of Carthage in 202 saw the beginning of the hostility between the Jews and the Samaritans, who mixed worship of false Gods with Jewish observances and were on that account denied participation in rebuilding the Temple. “Irreconcilable hatred sprung up between the two nations, and there is no greater opposition than that between Jerusalem and Samaria.” Among the Gentiles, the year 510 saw Athens liberated from tyranny, with the Romans overthrowing the Tarquins a year later. The invasion of Greece by the Persians was defeated at the battles at Marathon and Thermopylae early in the fifth century.
“Meanwhile, the new magistrates that had been given to the Roman people exacerbated the divisions within that city. Having been shaped by kings, Rome lacked the laws necessary for the proper functioning of a republic.” The Romans sent delegates to Athens to study the laws there, resulting in the rule of the decemvirs, who wrote the Laws of the Twelve Tables, “the foundation of Roman law.” Simultaneously, in Jerusalem Ezra and Nehemiah “reformed abuses and enforced the Mosaic Law, which they were the first to obey,” making all the Jewish people, “and especially the priests” to divorce the foreign women they’d married in violation of that law. The Old Testament books named for those men “complete the long history begun by Moses and continued by subsequent authors without interruption until the restoration of Jerusalem.” “Thus the last authors of sacred history meet with the first author of Greek history; and when it began, the history of God’s people—to take it only since Abraham—already comprised fifteen centuries” when Herodotus first began to write.
The Peloponnesian War began in 431 BC, raging on until 404. After the Spartans won they supported Cyrus the Younger in his revolt against Artaxerxes. When Cyrus was killed, the 10,000 Greek soldiers in his service retreated under the command of Xenophon, who chronicled this in his Hellenica. It was Thebes, under King Epaminondas, which broke Sparta’s hegemony in Greece, and this weakened the nation sufficiently to enable Philip of Macedon to conquer it. His son, Alexander, caused “all of the East [to come] to know Greece and {to] learn its language,” since although he died at the age of thirty-three, his fellow Macedonian generals founded the Seleucid Empire in Syria in 312 and the Ptolemaic Dynasty in Egypt in 305. As a result of these interrelations between East and West, “the Jewish religion and the Jewish people came to be known among the Greeks,” who translated the Hebrew Bible into Greek in 277. Centuries later, the New Testament would be written in “the Hellenistic language,” that is, “Greek interspersed with Hebraisms.” “All during this time, philosophy was flourishing in Greece.” Bossuet mentions the outstanding natural philosophers but emphasizes Socrates, who “brought philosophy back to the study of proper living and became the father of moral philosophy.” Of the several schools of moral philosophy, Bossuet deprecates only the Epicureans—if, indeed, “we can call philosophers those who openly denied the existence of Providence and who, not knowing what duty is, defined virtue by pleasure.” The Romans, too, began to delve into philosophy “of another kind,” one “which had nothing to do with disputations or discourses but consisted of frugality, poverty, and the hardships of rustic life and war.” This befits a people who had fought wars for some five centuries, “found themselves masters of Italy,” and went on to defeat the Carthaginians and their great general, Hannibal.
Scipio’s final defeat of Carthage in 202 BC marks the beginning of the ninth epoch. By now, “the Romans were feared throughout the world and no longer wanted to tolerate any power but their own.” In 173, “the persecutions of God’s people began,” not under the Romans but under Antiochus the Illustrious, a Syrian who “ruled like a maniac” and provoked a Jewish revolt against his tyranny. A few years later, after Antiochus’ death, however, Rome placed the Jewish people under their protection, “delighted with the opportunity to humiliate the kings of Syria.” In the course of their conquests, the Romans destroyed Corinth, “the most beautiful and voluptuous of all Greek cities,” taking care to remove “its incomparable statues” and to bring them to Rome, albeit “without knowing their value.” In general, “the Romans knew nothing about the arts of Greece, being satisfied with their knowledge of war, politics, and agriculture.” But by 133, Rome saw a major slave revolt against its rule at home; the Romans “were becoming too wealthy.” They continued to press their conquests, “but though the aspect of the republic was made resplendent on the outside by these conquests, it was marred by the unbridled ambition of its citizens and internal struggles.” “Everyone wanted to rule,” none to be ruled. “Even a man like the gladiator Spartacus believed that he could aspire to the command,” leaving a second slave revolt in 103.
The republic was slowly failing. By 58 BC, a supremely ambitious general, Gaius Julius, conquered Gaul, “the most useful conquest [Rome] ever made,” the patriotic Bossuet remarks. Julius defeated the rival general, Pompey, in 49, ended the republic by becoming emperor in 44, died by assassination a year later. Twelve years later, Octavianus defeated Marcus Antonius at the Battle of Actium. “Forsaken by all his friends, including Cleopatra, for whom he had ruined himself,” Marcus Antonius committed suicide, as did Cleopatra, the last of the Ptolemaic line. In 27, Octavianus became the Emperor Augustus.
It was under Augustus’ long and largely peaceful rule that Jesus Christ was born, beginning the tenth epoch of human history, approximately 4,000 years after Creation. Bossuet saves his considerations of Jesus for Part Two; in this chapter, he focuses his reader’s attention on Rome. In 66 AD, the Emperor Nero became “the first emperor to persecute the Church.” But this didn’t prevent the Church’s advance throughout the empire, which proceeded throughout the second and third centuries AD. “The purity of its ways was so striking that it was praised even by its enemies.” A series of invasions by Germans and Goths in the West, Scythians and Persians in the East, weakened the Western Roman Empire and eventually overran and divided it. “Still hostile to Christianity,” Rome “made a last effort to smother it but, in the end, established it definitively” under Galerius. “New tortures were invented every day” and “the modesty of Christian virgins was attacked as much as their faith.” But “the Christians exasperated” the Romans “by their patience,” and “other nations, impressed by their saintly way of life, converted in large numbers.” The frustrated Galerius “lost all hope of vanquishing them,” dying a few years later. “But Constantine the Great, a wise and victorious prince, publicly converted to Christianity” in 312 AD and ruled the Eastern Roman Empire for the next twenty-five years—thirty-one in all.
In accordance with this emphasis on Rome, Bossuet places the two men he considers its finest rulers in the center of this chapter. Antoninus Pius, who ruled from 138 to 161—patron of religion, the arts and sciences, who fought no wars of conquest—and Marcus Aurelius—who ruled from 161 to 180 as that rarest of men, the philosopher-king—defended the empire and persecuted no Christians.
Bossuet titles his chapter on the eleventh epoch “Constantine, or the Peace of the Church.” The Peace of Constantine lasted until the accession of Charlemagne to the throne of the Holy Roman Empire, the new Rome, in 800. Constantine’s reign saw the condemnation of the Arians, who denied the divinity of Jesus, at the Nicaean Council in 325, followed five years later by the reconstruction of Byzantium, renamed Constantinople. A century later, Macromeres founded “the monarchy of France, the most ancient and noble of all the monarchies in the world.” But the fifth century, “so unfortunate for the empire, and in which so many heresies sprung up, was nevertheless a fortunate one for Christianity. No discord was able to shake it, no heresy to corrupt it. The Church, rich in great men, confounded all doctrinal errors.” And so, while the Western Roman Empire was “irretrievably lost” in the 470s, the French king, Clovis, converted to Christianity two decades later and the great Christian emperor Justinian ruled in the East, beginning in 527. Later in the sixth century, St. Gregory the Great became pope, sending Augustine to England to convert the pagans there.
Gazing further to the East, Bossuet describes the failure of the Persian Empire. With what is likely another allusion to Louis XIV’s Versailles and the character of the Dauphin, Bossuet comments, “debauchery is often more harmful to princes than cruelty.” The Persians captured, then lost, the True Cross and, their power broken, Mohammad “posed as a prophet among the Saracens,” “subjugating all Arabia by fair means or foul, thus laying the foundation for the empire of the caliphs” and threatening Constantinople itself. By the second third of the seventh century, “the East was going to its ruin.” “While the emperors were consuming themselves in religious disputes and inventing heresies,” the Saracens invaded and occupied Syria, Palestine, Persian, parts of Africa, and Cyprus. It remained for a French general, Charles Martel, to defeat them in the Battle of Tours in 725. “Powerful in peace as in war, and absolute master of the kingdom,” Charles “ruled under a number of kings, whom he made and unmade as he saw fit, without daring to assume that great title.” His son, Pepin, did assume the throne as king of France; Pepin’s son, the future Charlemagne, defeated the Lombards, “enemies of Rome and its popes,” in a three-year series of campaigns ending in 776.
Charlemagne inaugurated the twelfth and final epoch of world history, being elected Emperor of the Romans in 800. At this point, however, Bossuet ends his chronological narrative. In order to understand the history of God’s people and the history of the great empires, “it is sometimes necessary to separate them and to examine in detail the things which are peculiar to each.” He devoted Part II to Church history, Part III to imperial history.
Bossuet titles Part II “The Continuity of Religion.” It consists of 31 chapters. The seventeenth, central chapter consists of a critique of Judaism; the center of the book as a whole comes a few pages later and consists of a statement of what has come to be called ‘supersession theology’—the claim that Christianity became the true Judaism, and that what is now called Judaism has deviated from its origins. In Bossuet’s terms, the continuity of religion means that religion has been “always the same since the Creation of the world” but that human beings have consistently deviated from God’s way. This is also the claim of the Old Testament, and therefore of orthodox Jews to this day, who regard Christianity as anything but the true Judaism. The question, then, is how political regimes should address this principled disagreement between Christians and Jews. Bossuet’s formula opens Jewish citizens (or subjects, as in the absolute monarchy of Louis XIV) to vile persecution. To recount his argument is profoundly offensive but also useful in the sense that it opens a window into the minds of those who inflicted pogroms upon innocent persons precisely because they were deemed guilty of the most heinous crime by the highest religious authorities of those times and places, men like the Bishop of Meaux.
“Religion and the continued existence of the people of God throughout the centuries is the greatest and most useful of all things a man can study,” Bossuet begins. This continuity “shows clearly God’s sustaining hand,” His providential rule over his creatures. Creation itself bespeaks that care; although He could have done it in an instant, God took six days to create the world “to show that he does not act out of necessity or blind impetuosity, as some philosophers have imagined.” On the contrary, “the account of the Creation as given by Moses shows us this great secret of true philosophy: that fecundity and absolute power dwell in God alone,” and not, he implies, in the ‘absolute’ monarchy of Louis XIV or any other human ruler.
When God says, “Let us make man,” his use of “us” deserves note, Bossuet remarks. “Nowhere in the entire Scriptures does anyone but God speak of himself in the plural,” and He does so “only two or three times,” using this “extraordinary language for the first time when it is a question of creating man.” That is because when God creates man “he speaks to someone who creates as well as he, to someone of whom man is the creature and image; he speaks to another self; he speaks to him by whom all things were made, to him who says in his Gospel, What things soever the Father doeth, these also doeth the Son likewise.” Not only does God speak to Jesus, “he speaks at the same time with the almighty Spirit, equal and coeternal with both of them.” The trinitarian God has existed since before “the beginning.”
To speak this way also indicates “a new order of things,” a founding. “The Trinity manifests itself for the first time when it creates a creature whose intellectual operations are an imperfect image of those eternal operations whereby God is fruitful in himself.” And this is itself a new kind of creating. Prior to Man, God had never touched the “corruptible matter” he created, “but to form the body of man, God himself takes earth; and that earth, molded by such a hand, receives the most beautiful form that has yet appeared in the world,” a creature whose “body is straight, his head…held high, and his sight…turned toward Heaven”—a form which shows this new being “whence he has come and whither he must go.” Again: providential. Even “more wonderful” is way God ensouled man with “a breath of life that proceeds from God himself.” “Let us not,” Bossuet cautions, “believe that our soul is a portion of the divine nature, as some philosophers have dreamed.” It proceeded from God, but it was a new act of creation; God is not immanent in Man, whose soul, and particularly his intellect, are rather created in the image of God. “Woe to the creature that delights in itself and not in God!” That is why the angels who fell, fell.
Man’s imperfection manifests itself rapidly. The successful temptation of Eve by the Serpent “is the beginning of the spirit of revolt” in Man: “first, the command is discussed, and then obedience is brought into doubt.” Adam wants intellectual satisfaction—knowledge of good and evil—and sensuous pleasure—his wife convinces him that the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge is good to eat. The result is that “the rebellion of his senses” against God’s command. It is impossible not to see in this a tacit critique of Bossuet’s contemporary, Descartes, who makes so much of doubt as the pathway to knowledge, a method by which the human mind can clear itself of everything we have been told, including anything we’ve been told not to do. Such efforts fail, Bossuet thinks, because doubting God’s commands leaves the human mind defenseless against the power of the passions. “For Adam, “the rebellion of the senses makes him observe in himself something shameful,” requiring him to clothe himself, covering up the physical being God made because he knew he was no longer worthy of his God-breathed original being. The Serpent’s “You shall be as gods” tempted Eve, then Adam, to attempt to overcome, irrationally, the distinction god had delineated, the distinction between Creator and created. This soon leads Adam’s progeny to another form of sensualism—idolatry, whereby men begin to worship physical objects they themselves have ‘created.’ this is the final derangement of man’s God-breathed reason. Having been formed by God, Man absurdly “thought he could make a God.” All of this shows that there is “no power more inescapable or tyrannical than the power of vice and passion.”
Each generation of men degenerated further—so much so that God lost His patience with His creatures, destroying all but the relatively decent few in the worldwide Flood. Even after receding, the waters left all of nature weakened, as the lingering moisture accelerated decomposition and the human lifespan shortened. Enfeebled human beings began to supplement the vegetarian diet with meat, fueling warfare.
The simple Noachide commandments God imposed upon mankind proved insufficient to hold human attention. To counteract men’s continued failure to follow in God’s way, His regime, God gave Moses not another set of verbal commands but a system of written laws to a people He chose to bind “with fearful strictness” and thereby improve, providing (for example) “stronger barriers against idolatry.” In choosing the Israelites he did not reward them for any merit; they “were as vulgar and rebellious as any other people, or more so.” And in preventing Moses from entering the Promised Land, God offered Israelites and the rest of mankind an indispensable lesson: “His Law made nothing perfect.” Like Moses, thanks to God’s lawful guidance we can see His promises “from afar”; the Law “conducts us at most, as it were, to the gateway of our inheritance.” It was Joshua, whose “true name” is Jesus, who brings God’s people into the Promised Land itself.
Bossuet draws many such parallels between the Old and New Testaments. The warrior-king David fights God’s wars but Solomon, the man of peace and wisdom, is the king God permits to build His Temple in His city, Jerusalem. “David’s wars showed how much toil it takes to attain [the glory of Heaven], and Solomon’s reign showed how peaceable is its enjoyment.” For their part, Bossuet asserts, the prophets who spoke truth to the Israelite kings saw Jesus; this may be why he spends so much effort in retelling stories from Hebrew Scripture to the heir apparent to the French throne. One day, “Under [Jesus’] admirable reign the Assyrians and the Egyptians shall form with the Israelites but one and the same people of God. Everything becomes Israel, everything becomes holy. Jerusalem is no longer an individual city: it is the image of a new society, in which all nations are gathered together.” Throughout all the vicissitudes to come, “God never permitted his voice to become extinct among his people.”
His power never ceased to enforce what His voice said, and that power was not uniformly gentle. “When the royal sons of David follow their father’s good example”—Dauphin, take note—God “works surprising wonders on their behalf; but when they degenerate, they feel the invincible strength of his arm.” God eventually allowed the Assyrians to destroy His Temple, to let Israelites “see that he was not confined to an edifice of stone, but that he would find his habitation in faithful hearts.” Nonetheless, “the overthrow of the cities and empires which harassed God’s people or profited by their destruction were written in the prophecies,” enabling (for example) the Jewish people to escape Babylon, “having timely warning.” To His chosen people, God administers fatherly chastisement, “merciful judgment,” punishing them for their own good; to the Babylonians and other nations he administers “rigorous judgment” and chastisement, ruining them. “God left no appeal” for the Babylonians. “But not so with the Jews. God chastened them like disobedient children, whom he returns to their duty by correction, and then, moved by their tears, he forgets their faults.”
As always, however, God sets limits to His patience, as seen in the promises and warnings of the last prophets. Daniel foresees the life and death of Jesus. Jacob had taught the future advent of the Messiah; he did not “tell us that his death should be the cause” of Judah’s downfall. “God revealed this important secret to Daniel and declares to him that the ruin of the Jews shall be the consequence of the death of Christ and of their rejection of the Messiah.” That is, Daniel learns that many Jews will become like Gentiles, rejecting their Messiah, and will afterwards be judged and chastised as Gentiles had been judged and chastised. The prophecies of Zechariah and Haggai foretell the betrayal of Jerusalem “by her own children”; the last prophet, Malachi, looks forward to John the Baptist and Jesus. After these prophets, prophecy ceased. There was no more need for them. “The proofs [the Jewish people] had received were sufficient, and once their incredulity had been not only overcome by events but also frequently punished, they at last became docile,” eschewing idolatry and the words of false prophets for a long time.
In secular terms, “instructed by their prophets to obey the kings to whom God had subjected them,” they found those kings to be “their protectors rather than their masters,” living under their own laws with “the sacerdotal power…preserved in its entirety.” “The priests guided the people; the public council, first established by Moses, enjoyed its full authority.” This was in fact the way most ancient empires ruled their subject peoples. Limitations of transportation and communications enabled rulers to rule no other way. “For 300 years they…enjoyed this rest, so often foretold by their prophets, when ambition and jealousy arose among them and came near to undoing them.” They began to imitate Greek ways, “prefer[ring[ that vain pomp to the solid glory which the observance of the laws of their ancestors acquired for them among their countrymen.”
The Jews’ “whole history, everything that happened to them from day to day, was but one continued unfolding of the oracles which the Holy Spirit had left them.” As for the Greeks, who ruled the Jewish people at that time, even what took place among them “was a preparation for knowledge of the truth.” Greek philosophers understood “that the world was ruled by a God very different from those whom the populace worshiped and whom they themselves worshiped with the populace,” albeit mostly for the sake of safety from ridicule or even (in the case of Socrates) persecution. [1] But this should not be taken as an independent discovery. “The Greek histories show that this excellent philosophy came from the East and from places to which the Jews had been dispersed.” Whether this claim of origins is true or false, mankind “began to awaken” to teachings that “furnished beforehand certain proof to those who were one day to rescue [the Gentiles] from their ignorance,” namely, the Apostles of Christ, who would cite the doctrine of ‘the god of the philosophers’ when teaching who that god really is. Philosophy, however, is not quite enough. “The most enlightened and wisest nations, the Chaldeans, Egyptians, Phoenicians, Greeks, and Romans, were the most ignorant and the most blind in matters of religion, which only proves that one must be brought to wisdom by a special grace and by a more than human wisdom.”
In the end, and as per the original Satanic temptation, the Jewish people “succumbed to ambition.” By now, they were under the Roman Empire, wherein they enjoyed a substantial degree of self-government. “The Pharisees wanted power and accordingly assumed absolute power over the people, setting themselves up as arbiters of learning and religion.” Their “presumption went so far as to arrogate to itself the gift of God.” Under their regime, “the Jews…forgot that [God’s] goodness alone had set them apart from other nations, and they looked upon this as their due,” confusing divine grace for divine justice. They “thought themselves of a different species from other men, whom they considered deprived of the knowledge” of God, “look[ing] upon the Gentiles with an unbearable disdain.” “They fancied themselves holy by nature”—a contradiction, given nature’s postlapsarian corruption. “It was the Pharisees who, priding themselves on their own lights and on their strict observance of the ceremonies of the Law, introduced this opinion in the latter days.”
Factionalism resulted. In search of a cure, the Jewish people allowed “all public power” to pass “into the hands of Herod and the Romans, whose slave he [was], and he shook the foundations of the Jewish state,” hitherto self-governing if not sovereign within the Roman Empire. The Pharisees and the people alike chafed under “the yoke of the Gentiles,” their “contempt and hatred” intensified. They yearned for a Messiah who would be a David, not a Solomon, a man of war not of wisdom and peace. “Forgetting the many prophecies which told them so specifically of [the Messiah’s] humiliations, they no longer had eyes or ears for any prophecies but those which announced triumphs.” The triumphal entry of Jesus into Jerusalem on an ass was not what they anticipated.
Readers of the Hebrew Scripture know that God’s prophets do not hesitate to denounce the bad behavior of God’s people. In his retelling of the times before Jesus’ birth, however, Bossuet sometimes inclines to identify corrupt priests with the Jewish people as a whole. This is a dangerous thing to do, and one must watch closely as he proceeds, next, to give his account of the life of Jesus, having now reached the center of his book.
Note
- “Plato, speaking of the god who had formed the universe, says that it is hard to find him and that it is forbidden to declare him to the people. He protests that he never speaks of him but enigmatically, for fear of exposing so great a truth to ridicule.” Thus “mankind was plunged into such an abyss that it could not bear the least idea of the true God!” Bossuet places this account of Greek philosophy in the sixteenth, central chapter of Book II.
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